NATIONAL VERSUS EU FOREIGN POLICY ?

Although  EU member states have committed themselves to pursuing certain objectives together in the framework of the Common Foreign and Security Policy they continue to run their own national foreign policies. As an international actor the EU complements but does not replace the 28 individual actors making up its membership.

Member states can look at the EU’s foreign policy as a set of instruments to be used for the purposes of their own national foreign policy, but they can also perceive themselves as constituent part of the EU as an international actor in its own right. Generally, their approach  comprehends a mix of both attitudes. Member states look at the EU more in terms of a toolbox when priority issues of national foreign policy are concerned. In such cases the member states use the EU as a diplomatic force multiplier. By putting the weight of the EU behind their concerns and interests they improve their chances of getting their way. Even in the ideal case, when their national policy becomes an official EU position the national foreign policy perspective always prevails.

There are significant differences in the attitudes of member states. At one end of the spectrum is a member state like the United Kingdom, which ascribes primacy to its national policy and tends to regard the EU as one of several international fora, which can be made use of in order to pursue national foreign policy objectives. On the other end is a state like Luxembourg, which has limited national foreign policy ambitions of its own and identifies to a high degree with the EU’s policies, effectively considering itself as a constituent part of a larger foreign policy identity.

Foreign policy traditions, specific interests, and relations with outside powers play an important role in determining a given state’s position on this spectrum. Obviously, there is a strong correlation between a country’s overall attitude to European integration and its readiness to identify with European foreign policy. States with a federalist vision of Europe such as Belgium or Italy are more consistent supporters of the EU as a foreign policy actor than the sovereignty minded countries such as the UK, France and Denmark. A strong national interest in the success of EU foreign and security policy deriving from an exposed geographic position,  such as that of Finland or Poland,  can also be an important factor for an ambitious approach to EU foreign policy.

It would be a simplification to assume that the large member states, which retain considerable national foreign policy capacity, are all on the “toolbox” end of the spectrum whereas the smaller ones cluster on the “identification” end. For historical reasons Germany for instance identifies to a high degree with European efforts and is thus in principle ready to transfer further important competencies in this field to the European level. Cyprus, by contrast, is one of the smallest member states but has a very large foreign and security policy problem - the division of the island. Accordingly, it perceives its participation in EU foreign policy primarily in terms of this overwhelming national priority and utilizes its leverage relentlessly to pursue its national interests.

Governments also tend to present EU foreign policy to their electorates as a second larger foreign policy identity to which concerns can be delegated when direct national interests are not in play or national instruments are not usable. Consequently, EU deliberations frequently result in declarations rather than in genuine engagement. The “paper tiger” image that still bedevils EU foreign policy is partly due to the fact that taking an issue to the EU often represents the extent of a government’s readiness to actually do something about it.

The same dynamics also explain why the EU’s collective efforts often look more idealistic than national foreign policies. When member states lack the determination to engage in a serious manner, they often fill the gap with declarations on values. While they cannot or will not resolve a problem, they still feel better having said the right things. Moreover, raising concerns relating to human rights and democratic principles in the context of bilateral relations often involves a cost in terms of this relationship. Particularly with regard to powerful third states such as Russia and China, member states sometimes prefer to leave the “virtuous” work of raising human rights concerns to the EU, while focusing themselves on business. However, when the states in question perceive that the EU policy line does not have the full backing of member states they are unlikely to take it very seriously.

The ongoing economic and monetary crisis has also given rise to tensions among member states and eroded their sense of solidarity. A creeping “renationalization” of foreign policy has set in. Member states are more likely today to take their own national positions and initiatives without coordinating with their partners.

Despite the crucial importance of the attitude of member states further institutional development of EU foreign policy making can make a difference. In areas of external relations where the Commission is in the lead such as trade, development, enlargement or in the external aspects of internal policies such as environment, justice or home affairs, EU policies carry more punch and have greater identity building effect than in classical foreign and security policy.

The only factor that has the potential over time to profoundly change the relationship between national and EU foreign policy is the need to adjust to the challenges of globalization. It impacts on EU foreign policy making in two important ways. One effect is the convergence of foreign policy interests among EU member states. As a result of growing interdependence, developments in faraway places can have a greater effect on European interests than ever before. The EU foreign policy agenda that ten years ago still primarily concerned the European neighborhood today encompasses developments across the globe. Moreover, on many of the items that now make up the agenda of Foreign Ministers it is difficult to identify differences in the specific national interests of member states.  As the world is shrinking, so are the differences in the interests of EU member states.

The other consequence of globalization is that individually member states can do rather little about most of the foreign policy challenges arising today. Only in exceptional cases will a European state on its own be able to decisively influence the situation on the ground. As a rule, only collective action on a regional and sometimes on a global level can have a significant impact. As power and economic dynamism shifts to other continents, the ability of European countries – even of the bigger ones among them - to remain relevant players in their own right will further diminish. They will increasingly be faced with a choice: either to resign themselves to a more modest role on the international stage, accepting that the decisions regarding the future global order will be taken by others; or to combine efforts, pool resources and empower strong common institutions to act on their behalf. If this choice is made EU foreign policy could turn from the “weakest link” of EU activities into a powerful force of integration.