FOREIGN GOVERNMENT LOBBYING IN WASHINGTON D.C.

The area around K Street in Washington, D.C., abounds with lobbyists, many of whom represent foreign governments or entities. Although some major foreign governments continue to work mainly through their embassies in Washington, nearly one hundred countries rely on lobbyists to protect and promote their interests. Even countries that have strong bilateral relations with the United States, such as Australia, Japan, and Norway, need lobbyists as well as embassies.

Foreign countries devote huge sums to working the American political system. And the world's richest, most powerful countries are not necessarily the biggest spenders. Smaller, poorer countries that have less international clout tend to be the ones most in need of external assistance in Washington, even if they are the nations that can least afford the expenditures. The big boys have a natural advantage in that they have the funds to hire lobbyists — but often don't need to anyway. Indeed, many embassies have dedicated attachés and diplomats whose job is to specifically liaise with legislators and members of the White House.

Larger nations seek extra help in achieving specific objectives, or to press their cases in ways that an embassy staffer, or even ambassador, would shy away from attempting. There is a certain value that comes when you have Americans talking to Americans, and that comes with having unfiltered, undiplomatic communication. Lobbyists can say things to members of the administration or Congress that an ambassador just cannot do. It can be less expensive to outsource work to a U.S. lobbying firm than pay the costs associated with hiring eight or 10 full-time embassy employees.

Lobbyists can operate within the system in ways that experienced diplomats cannot. Many lobbyists function as surrogates. A law firm or lobbying firm can make arrangements and put forward arguments in ways that its foreign client cannot, in part because most embassies do not operate as comfortably or effectively on Capitol Hill as can U.S. firms. And then, the U.S. government has become so complex that only insiders, such as former members of Congress or congressional staff members turned lobbyists, can navigate its confusing structure.

The most effective lobbying is done on Capitol Hill. Although members of the executive branch face limits on what they can do for lobbyists, congressional members and their staff are generally less constrained. When a faction in Congress takes a position under pressure from lobbyists, it can become very hard for executive-branch offices to resist. Functionally, the U.S. government is an anomaly, with a potent legislature unconnected to the executive branch but open to being exploited by domestic agents representing foreign governments.

Some of the big embassies, starting with the British and Israeli ones, have no difficulty gaining access on either end of Pennsylvania Avenue. But many, if not most, of the other missions are spread thin, with limited access to the people and offices that matter. A typical midsize embassy will have one or two officers covering the agencies of chief importance at home. Most often, this means the State Department and the Department of Defence, along with other agencies involved in security issues. These embassies cannot begin to compete with lobbying groups for influence and may not even try to cover Congress.

Lobbyists for foreign governments operate in ways that help U.S. officials and reinforce incumbency. A lobbying firm, for example, can help set up a deal for a foreign country to purchase agricultural machinery from a U.S. supplier. A member of Congress from the district in which the supplier is located will then announce the sale -- and the lobbyists, in turn, will say that congressional support of certain bills will help that business and others in the district.

Lobbyists working for foreign clients play a game that is described as "five-dimensional chess," which includes the White House, Congress, interagency conflicts, and the Republican and Democratic Parties. A firm lobbying on behalf of a foreign client keeps data on every member of Congress, their staffs, and even some representatives in state legislatures who are considered rising figures. The firm will do a meticulous analysis of the voting records and public statements of various key players, notably the chairs of the Senate and House Foreign Relations Committees.

Foreign governments, of course, do require help from time to time in navigating the Washington labyrinth, and many strive to have Washington support their interests and not their adversaries'. Israel and Taiwan are two countries that feel dependent on U.S. political support of this kind.

The activities of lobbyists working on behalf of foreign governments or businesses -- notably those whose focus is largely commercial, not political -- can be useful and in line with the national interest. The United States relies on a free and open trade and investment climate, which these lobbyists work to promote. Lobbyists representing foreign clients say that their work is a normal part of the U.S. political process and indistinguishable from lobbying on behalf of domestic clients.

Conclusion

Lobbyists can aid foreign countries by sidestepping the delicate world of diplomatic language and embassy protocol to get right to key Washington decision makers. Many developing countries lack established embassy operations and diplomatic finesse, and frequently need help to get access to key policymakers. Sometimes they need lobbyists to lead their entire effort in Washington. Impacting the shape and direction of U.S. legislation affecting their national interests is the ultimate objective of every single ambassador working in the seat of American government. Indeed, though it is rarely discussed, the international diplomatic community lobbies Washington policymakers just like any other political actor. Ambassadors are the elite members of their home nations — usually the cream of the foreign service crop. To busy U.S. policymakers, however, they are just one more special interest pushing for influence — a prestigious one, surely, but another interest group all the same. Furthermore, ambassadors cannot vote or donate to political campaigns, making them far less valuable than other constituents.